|Bid||0.00 x 0|
|Ask||0.00 x 0|
|Day's Range||11.41 - 11.47|
|52 Week Range||11.03 - 18.45|
|Beta (3Y Monthly)||1.21|
|PE Ratio (TTM)||2.87|
|Forward Dividend & Yield||0.80 (6.94%)|
|1y Target Est||N/A|
(Bloomberg) -- At a time when younger people drive less and hail more rides, while SUVs reign supreme thanks to low gas prices, Nissan Motor Co. is betting on the humble sedan.Over the past few decades, the auto industry, especially in North America, has been ditching four- and two-door passenger cars in favor of bigger vehicles: first it was minivans and now sport-utility vehicles, crossovers and trucks. Automakers have become addicted to the higher profits offered by bigger vehicles, sought after by consumers seeking size, convenience and safety. By next year, only 10% of Ford Motor Co.’s output will be passenger or sports cars.Ivan Espinosa, Nissan’s newly appointed chief of product planning, contends that the sedan might be the right vehicle for a new generation of ecologically-conscious younger drivers. They spend less on transport, get around using Uber or Lyft (many of them sedans) and aren’t as attracted to SUVs. They’re more interested in electric cars, which are usually sedans because less heavy metal usually translates into greater battery range. The argument has some merit: Tesla Inc.’s top-selling EVs, the Model S and Model 3, are both sedans.“SUVs might gradually be seen as a boring family car in the future,” said Espinosa, who joined Nissan in Mexico, one of its most successful markets, and worked on product planning for over 15 years. “We’re starting to see some customers associate some of the SUVs that are in offer today to what the minivans were before — soccer mom cars.”It’s a significant gamble, and much is on the line. Nissan needs to reignite sales and restore its image, tarnished by the arrest of former Chairman Carlos Ghosn. Profits are at a decade low and the carmaker is struggling in the U.S., where Ghosn pushed for sales incentives that eroded margins and expanded volumes through fleet sales. Nissan’s product lineup is aging, and rolling out the wrong car models right now could deliver a life-threatening blow to the Yokohama-based automaker.“I can understand the logic that SUVs are losing the cool attribute because of product proliferation,” said Tatsuo Yoshida, an auto analyst at Sawakami Asset Management Inc. “But that doesn’t mean customers will return to cars. This seems to be a leap of logic to me.”Indeed, consumers don’t appear to be getting tired of SUVs, thanks to cheaper gasoline prices and plenty of choice among automakers. Carmakers’ combined sales in the segment, including pickups, climbed to a record 12 million units in the U.S. last year, while sedans hit a decade low. In the first half, sedan sales fell 10%, outpacing the 6.6% decline in SUVs.Espinosa says, however, that cracks may be appearing in the SUV’s rock-solid popularity. In a recent Nissan survey of drivers who don’t own a sedan in 11 markets including the U.S. and China, 75% said they would consider buying one now or in the future. For millennials, Nissan found that the figure climbed to 8 in 10. In order to tap into that demand, Espinosa said Nissan will offer more options to appeal to younger drivers, such as all-wheel drive sedans.That’s already happening in the U.S., where the share of AWD sedans has been on the rise. Lower fuel prices have made American car buyers less sensitive to their lower fuel economy, and carmakers have tweaked their drivetrains to improve efficiency. Automakers are also finding that younger buyers with less money are opting for practical, cheap-to-own compact cars.“There is definitely an opportunity for the Japanese carmakers to take advantage of the U.S. automakers retreat from the sedan market,” said Janet Lewis, an analyst at Macquarie Capital. “The difference in profitability isn’t as great for the Japanese between SUVs and sedans as for the U.S carmakers.”In May, Nissan promised to spend 47 billion yen ($437 million) over the next three years to refresh all core models, introduce 20-plus new products and focus on American retail sales. That includes sedans such as the Skyline, introduced this month in Japan, the Altima in the U.S., and the new Sylphy, its best-selling sedan in China.Nissan’s goal is to cut its average model age to 3.5 years by 2021, from 5-plus years right now. Joint products in the compact-car segment with Renault SA, its partner in a global alliance that also includes Mitsubishi Motors Corp., haven’t been affected by recent turmoil triggered by Ghosn’s arrest, according to Espinosa. Nissan and Renault will continue to share technologies, he said.While North America remains a critical market, the real test of Nissan’s sedan strategy will be in markets such as China and South America. After outpacing sedan sales for a decade, sales of SUVs in China are starting to decelerate. SUV shipments in the country fell 2.9% last year, compared with a 2.8% decline for sedans.“In China, there’s still very solid demand for this kind of vehicle,” Espinosa said. “Sedans are still seen as a symbol of success and pride.”Sedans still outsell SUVs in China and Latin America. Mid-sized and long wheel-base pssenger cars are especially popular among well-off Chinese, while government officials and company executives prefer to be driven around in chauffeured sedans. Last year Nissan sold 514,000 sedans in China. Espinosa said sedans will probably continue to make up half of the company’s sales in China and South America.“There are far more risks in abandoning sedans than doubling down on them,” Lewis said. “Nissan’s problem is more that it has not mixed up its product launches more and right now only has new models of sedans coming to the market with nothing in the light truck space.”\--With assistance from Masatsugu Horie.To contact the reporter on this story: Ma Jie in Tokyo at firstname.lastname@example.orgTo contact the editors responsible for this story: Young-Sam Cho at email@example.com, Reed Stevenson, Ville HeiskanenFor more articles like this, please visit us at bloomberg.com©2019 Bloomberg L.P.
Renault is confident that alliance partner Nissan's new board will work to reinforce their partnership as it struggles to turn the page on the Carlos Ghosn scandal, Renault Chairman Jean-Dominique Senard said on Thursday. Nissan shareholders last month approved the appointment of a new board at the Japanese carmaker with a more international profile as well as Senard and his Renault Chief Executive Thierry Bollore. "There is a change," Senard told reporters in a briefing at Renault headquarters.
(Bloomberg) -- Renault SA will invest 128.5 million euros ($144 million) for a 50% stake in a venture with Jiangling Motors Corp. to develop electric vehicles in China, part of a push by the French company to make further inroads into the world’s biggest car market.The Chinese entity was created in 2015 and already holds certification to manufacture battery-electric passenger cars, according to a statement from Renault Wednesday. It aims to grow quickly and become a “prominent player” in the market.“This partnership in electric vehicle business with JMCG will support our growth plan in China and our EV capabilities,” Francois Provost, head of the China region at Renault, said in the statement. The venture will help Renault expand its electric capabilities beyond a production agreement with longstanding partner Nissan Motor Co. and Dongfeng Motor Corp., a spokeswoman said.Renault, which has so far had a limited presence in China, is moving forward with an electrification strategy that includes a new battery-powered car slated to go on sale in the Asian country this year. The company also plans to make hybrid versions of three existing models. Global automakers have been expanding cooperation with new-energy vehicle producers in China to meet government regulations on fuel consumption that were put in place this year.Renault’s move to expand further in China outside the Nissan-Dongfeng venture comes amid a crisis in its two-decade partnership with the Japanese company. Nissan has resisted merger overtures from Renault and withheld support for the French company’s failed plan to combine with Fiat Chrysler Automobiles NV.Renault also has plans to invest more than 1 billion euros to boost its production of electric cars in France -- a move that was aimed at smoothing relations with the French government, its biggest shareholder. Carmakers are spending billions of dollars to shift to battery-powered vehicles from diesel engines as the industry responds to a tightening of European emissions rules.(Updates with comments from Renault in third and fifth paragraphs.)\--With assistance from Tian Ying.To contact the reporters on this story: Tara Patel in Paris at firstname.lastname@example.org;Ania Nussbaum in Paris at email@example.comTo contact the editors responsible for this story: Anthony Palazzo at firstname.lastname@example.org, Tara Patel, Christopher JasperFor more articles like this, please visit us at bloomberg.com©2019 Bloomberg L.P.
Renault has formed a joint venture partnership with Jiangling Motors Corporation Group (JMCG) to target the Chinese electric vehicles (EV) market, in a deal which will also see Renault take a 50% stake in the new venture. Renault said it would increase its share capital by around 1 billion Chinese RMB, or roughly 128.5 million euros ($144 million), to acquire its 50% stake in the new venture. "China is a key market for Groupe Renault.
France's Renault SA said on Wednesday it will invest $145 million in a unit of China's Jiangling Motors Corporation Group (JMCG) that will allow it to expand its electric vehicle manufacturing footprint in the world's largest auto market. The French car maker will take a 50% stake in JMEV, an electric car maker launched by JMCG in 2015, and establish it as a joint venture between the two companies, Renault said in a statement. “This partnership in electric vehicle business with JMCG will support our growth plan in China and our EV capabilities,” said Francois Provost，China region chairman for Renault.
Moody's Latin America ACR S.A. has today affirmed ratings and assessments of 22 Argentine banks, finance companies and securities firms. At the same time, Moody's lowered the standalone assessments and downgraded the ratings assigned to Rombo Compañía Financiera S.A., GPAT Compañia Financiera S.A.U. and Balanz Capital Valores S.A.U. Moody's also changed to negative, from stable, the outlook on the ratings of 21 banks, finance companies and securities firms following the change in outlook to negative, from stable, on Argentina's B2 government bond rating announced on 12 July 2019.
French carmaker Renault posted a 6.7% decline in first-half vehicle sales amid a global auto slowdown, but said a forthcoming product offensive would begin to help soften the blow in key markets. The slump was outpaced by a 7.1 percent global market contraction, it added. The sales announcement comes amid gathering gloom for the global auto industry, with major markets in decline and trade barriers looming.
Renault has handed French prosecutors the conclusions of an audit into its joint finances with alliance partner Nissan , the carmaker said on Friday. The audit, carried out by accountancy firm Mazars in the wake of the Carlos Ghosn scandal, identified 11 million euros ($12.4 million) in questionable spending by the Dutch-registered alliance subsidiary Renault-Nissan BV, Renault said in April. Former chairman Ghosn, ousted by both carmakers following his November arrest in Tokyo, is awaiting trial on financial misconduct charges he denies.
(Bloomberg) -- A long history of failed automotive mergers and tie-ups -- from Daimler-Chrysler, to GM-Fiat and BMW-Rover -- used to be reason to doubt that combinations or partnerships between big carmakers were a good idea.But as the world’s biggest manufacturers anticipate an age of increasingly electric, autonomous and shared vehicles, they’re increasingly becoming bedfellows.Volkswagen AG and Ford Motor Co. have scheduled a press conference in New York on Friday after months of talks about joining forces to develop self-driving and electric vehicles. Aligning with one another in the burgeoning fields would build on an existing partnership to work together on commercial vans and trucks.The expanding alliance between the world’s No. 1 and America’s No. 2 car companies is only the latest example of the auto industry giants joining forces to cope with the transformation sweeping their industry. The transition is going to be costly: Since 2010, more than $14 billion has been invested in autonomy and mobility technologies, according to BloombergNEF.“BMW and Daimler are pairing up and matching up on their autonomous-vehicle program, as are Toyota and Uber, and you’ve seen GM and Honda, and now VW and Ford,” said Mike Ramsey, an automotive consultant at Gartner Inc. “That leaves Hyundai and Kia hunting around desperately for partners. And then the remainder, like FCA and PSA.”Here’s a rundown of some of the most noteworthy tie-ups of the last few years among the world’s leading automakers:BMW-Daimler DealsBMW AG and Daimler AG vowed earlier this month to team up on developing cars capable of traversing highways without human intervention starting in 2024. While drivers will remain behind the wheel, the companies said their vehicles will be able to navigate highways and park on their own.The luxury-auto arch rivals also agreed to pour more than 1 billion euros ($1.1 billion) into the car-sharing and ride-hailing businesses they combined to form one joint venture earlier this year to compete with the likes of Uber Technologies Inc. and Lyft Inc.Fiat’s Renault FlirtationFiat Chrysler Automobiles NV -- already an Italian-American amalgam -- pursued a merger with Renault SA earlier this year, though the potential deal abruptly collapsed last month due to the French state’s intervention and concern about the implications for Renault’s existing alliance with Nissan Motor Co. and Mitsubishi Motors Corp.Still, it may be too soon to write off the idea. Renault and French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire have said talks with Fiat Chrysler could resume once the Renault-Nissan alliance is on firmer footing. Fiat Chrysler Chairman John Elkann told Italian newspaper La Stampa this week called the attempt to merge with Renault an “act of courage.”BMW’s Other BlocsNearly two years before Fiat Chrysler’s merger proposal with Renault, the company entered a coalition led by BMW that’s creating an autonomous-vehicle platform slated to be launched in 2021. Other members of the collaboration include Intel Corp., Aptiv Plc, Continental AG and Magna International Inc.And that’s not all for BMW. Jaguar Land Rover announced in June it will team up with the German automaker to work on its fifth generation of electric-drive technology, which is set to roll out next year with an electric X3 crossover.Daimler Joining GeelyDaimler decided earlier this year to transform Smart, its struggling small-car division, into an all-electric brand rooted in China with the help of its largest shareholder, Zhejiang Geely Holding Group.The two groups also agreed last October to enter China’s ride-hailing and car-sharing business by forming a 50-50 venture. They plan to levereage models including the Mercedes-Benz S-Class and E-Class and the ultra-luxury brand Maybach to battle market leader Didi Chuxing.Honda Hitching RidesEven Honda Motor Co. has pivoted from the go-it-alone approach that it stuck to for decades. The Japanese automaker joined an existing venture between Toyota Motor Corp. and SoftBank Group Corp. earlier this year.Last fall, Honda committed to investing $2.75 billion in General Motors Co.’s Cruise self-driving unit. The two already were working together on electric-vehicle batteries and hydrogen fuel cell systems.Toyota’s Electric-Car CooperationToyota, whose battery-powered RAV4 partnership with Tesla Inc. ended up being a short-lived clash of polar-opposite business cultures, entered another electric-vehicle alliance in 2017 with Mazda Motor Corp.Months after announcing the Mazda pact, Toyota added Suzuki Motor Corp. to the mix, with the two saying they plan to bring electric vehicles to China and India beginning in 2020. And in June, Toyota added Subaru Corp. to its stable of EV partners.\--With assistance from Keith Naughton.To contact the reporter on this story: Kyle Lahucik in Southfield at email@example.comTo contact the editor responsible for this story: Craig Trudell at firstname.lastname@example.orgFor more articles like this, please visit us at bloomberg.com©2019 Bloomberg L.P.
Fiat Chrysler (FCA) plans to spend 700 million euros ($788 million) to take the Fiat 500 electric as the carmaker moves on from its failed $35 billion bid to merge with France's Renault, a pioneer in electric vehicles. FCA chief operating officer for Europe, Middle East and Africa, Pietro Gorlier, announced the Italian-American company's biggest single bet on an electric vehicle at its Mirafiori plant in Turin, northern Italy on Thursday.
The merger proposal made by Fiat Chrysler (FCA) to Renault in May was an "act of courage" but the Italian-American carmaker felt the conditions were not right to go ahead, FCA Chairman John Elkann told La Stampa newspaper. Last month, FCA pulled the plug on its proposed merger with Renault, saying negotiations had become "unreasonable" due to political resistance in Paris.
Electra Meccanica (SOLO) burst onto the EV scene recently. Based in Vancouver, the company is devoted to developing fully electric cars, with multiple styles.
(Bloomberg Opinion) -- Most people will be happy to see the back of the combustion engine. Cleaner air and less dependence on oil are good reasons to look forward to the mass adoption of electric cars.But for the 3 million or so Europeans working in the auto industry, the transition to the new technology is a source of great anxiety. While the numbers are hotly debated, carmaker jobs will probably become scarcer because electric vehicles need fewer parts and less maintenance than their gas-guzzling predecessors.With automation, Brexit, and President Donald’s Trump tariff wars all hitting the European sector too, things look bleak for auto workers. Ford is slashing 12,000 jobs on the continent (carmakers cut 38,000 jobs globally in the six months to May). The wider industrial background is little better: Manufacturing as a share of European Union GDP fell from 19% to 14% between 1991 and 2018. None of this is ideal for mainstream political leaders who are trying to safeguard decent blue-collar jobs to counteract the appeal of populist rivals.Policymakers need to raise their game. So far they appear to be just muddling through this epochal challenge for the continent’s manufacturers. Witness the counterproductive interference by Paris in Fiat Chrysler Automobiles NV’s attempt to merge with Renault SA, a deal that was meant to create a company better equipped to deal with the industry’s transformation.The speed at which technology disrupts companies often catches politicians and workers unawares. While governments haggle over whether carbon-neutral targets should be 2050, 2040, or earlier, carmakers and other manufacturers are already redirecting vast amounts of capital to get ahead of consumer demand for cleaner products. Volkswagen AG, for example, has pledged $34 billion of electric car spending.According to data from BloombergNEF, large electric vehicles might be cheaper in the EU than their combustion-engine counterparts by as early as 2022. The estimate was 2026 just two years ago, which shows how fast things are changing. The rapidly falling cost of batteries should be ringing alarm bells about the consequences for mass industrial employment. Unfortunately, policymakers have struggled to respond to job losses in particular sectors and skill sets.The giant German trade union IG Metall thinks the retraining of staff is the best response to the potential loss of 75,000 German car jobs in the shift to electric. But it’s no panacea. The EU’s “Globalization Adjustment Fund,” which provides money to help retrain unemployed workers, has had mixed success, according to the Bruegel think tank: The average reemployment rate of those accessing the fund was an impressive 92% in the Czech Republic, but just 26% in Belgium. Its size is too small at 150 million euros ($169 million) per year and its criteria too restrictive to make a big difference, although EU governments are pushing to change this. On a national level, Germany has at least shown itself willing to respond to the broader shift to renewable energy, most notably through a reported 40 billion-euro package to support those who will suffer from its planned phasing out of coal. The spending includes infrastructure upgrades such as roads and telecoms links, as well as more public service jobs.The question is whether blunt redistribution will be enough (or is indeed sustainable) if Europe’s economic growth and productivity don’t pick up soon. Can Germany really replace those high-quality car jobs with similar manufacturing roles? France, meanwhile, is troubled by the prospect of further social unrest should the process of “disindustrialisation” go much further. The Natixis economist Patrick Artus thinks the country’s weak productivity gains and meager wage growth, combined with job losses and higher energy prices, might provoke a repeat of the Gilets Jaunes crisis.There’s no magic fix to these issues. But Europe’s leaders need to start moving a whole lot faster.To contact the author of this story: Lionel Laurent at email@example.comTo contact the editor responsible for this story: James Boxell at firstname.lastname@example.orgThis column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.Lionel Laurent is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Brussels. He previously worked at Reuters and Forbes.For more articles like this, please visit us at bloomberg.com/opinion©2019 Bloomberg L.P.
(Bloomberg Opinion) -- The Trump administration has not yet followed through on its threat to slap financial sanctions on Iran’s Foreign Minister Javad Zarif. Perhaps the White House has been unable to marshal the evidence that he deserves such punishment. Or, the delay may be a recognition of Zarif’s increasingly unclear status in the Iranian regime. But one way or the other, sanctioning Zarif at this point would be at best a waste of effort.Zarif was never a Tehran power-player, but he did have a couple of years at the heart of the Islamic Republic’s most important mission: negotiating a nuclear deal with the U.S. and other world powers. It was for this purpose that Zarif, a civil servant with no political constituency, was elevated to ministership in mid-2013.His qualifications for the task included a long spell in the U.S.—from 1977 to 2007, off and on, as a student in Denver and San Francisco, a neophyte diplomat in New York, and eventually as Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations. Urbane and well-spoken, Zarif represented the gentler face of a regime that had come to be identified globally with the crude, boorish former president, Mahmoud Ahmedinejad.Leading a team of Iranian negotiators, Zarif was able to capitalize on the eagerness of President Barack Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry to make a deal. The 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action was greatly to Iran’s advantage: in exchange for suspending parts of its nuclear program for periods of 10 or 15 years and accepting international supervision of the deal’s implementation for 25 years, the regime would have some sanctions removed, and given access to billions of dollars in its frozen assets.What’s more, the deal did not force Iran to suspend its other malign activities in the Middle East, such as supporting the genocide in Syria, sponsoring terrorist groups like Hezbollah and Hamas, and menacing neighbors with a ballistic-missile program.At home, the deal made Zarif a hero; even Iran’s hardliners, who had been suspicious of Zarif’s Westernized ways, welcomed his success. He was hailed internationally, too—with talk that he and Kerry might get the Nobel Peace Prize.But Zarif had made a strategic blunder. Although the Republicans would plainly undermine any deal struck by the Obama administration, Zarif had never reached out to them. He assumed that Obama’s imprimatur only needed ratification by the United Nations, and not Congress. For a man who claimed intimate knowledge of American politics, this was a surprisingly poor grasp of Washington realities.Zarif did not even communicate with the Republicans when, near the end of the nuclear negotiations, 47 senators wrote an open letter, warning that “the next president could revoke such an executive agreement with the stroke of a pen.” When Trump did exactly that in 2018, Zarif channeled Captain Renault of “Casablanca” and affected theatrical surprise and dismay. The end of the deal ended Zarif’s moment in the Iranian sun. He and his boss, President Hassan Rouhani, were excoriated by hardliners for being too credulous in their dealings with the U.S. The failure of the JCPOA’s other signatories to save the deal only deepened suspicions that Zarif had bargained away Iran’s only chip, its nuclear threat, for nothing in return.For all practical purposes, Iran’s foreign policy is now run by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps—specifically, Qassem Soleimani, who runs the Qods Force. When Syria’s Bashar al-Assad visited Tehran recently, Zarif was not even invited to sit in on the dictator’s meeting with the Supreme Leader.Soleimani was.In a fit of pique, Zarif enacted a faux resignation, via Instagram. He was easily mollified by Rouhani, and persuaded to remain. Since then, however, he has dropped the pretense of being a diplomat, adopting an increasingly belligerent anti-American tone, complete with juvenile name-calling and Twitter trolling. Descending to bazaar-level conspiracy-mongering, he accused Israel’s Mossad of attacking oil tankers in a false-flag operation. He dubbed the most hawkish of Trump’s advisers and allies the “B-Team,” and responded to White House announcements with schoolyard taunts, like “Seriously?” This posturing may be a way for Zarif to say to hardliners, “Look, I’m just as tough on the Americans as you are.” His transition, in rhetoric at least, from diplomat to politician has not gone unnoticed by Iranians. Some wonder whether he might be preparing to make that switch for real. Twice in the past few months, Zarif has had to deny speculation that he will run for the presidency when Rouhani’s second term ends in 2021.But the hardliners in the Guardian Council, which vets all presidential candidates, are unlikely to allow Zarif to run. Nor, should Iran someday return to the negotiating table, is he likely to reprise his 2013-15 role. Among other things, his reinvention as Iran’s troll-in-chief has cost him international credibility.American sanctions against him might bolster his stature in the eyes of hardliners. But it will only briefly postpone his gradual descent to the footnotes of history. Unless the Trump administration has evidence of specific wrong-doing by the foreign minister, it should let him simply fade away.To contact the author of this story: Bobby Ghosh at email@example.comTo contact the editor responsible for this story: James Gibney at firstname.lastname@example.orgThis column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.Bobby Ghosh is a columnist and member of the Bloomberg Opinion editorial board. He writes on foreign affairs, with a special focus on the Middle East and the wider Islamic world.For more articles like this, please visit us at bloomberg.com/opinion©2019 Bloomberg L.P.
Moody's Investors Service (Moody's) has today changed LLC ROLF's (ROLF) outlook to developing from positive. At the same time, Moody's affirmed the B1 corporate family rating (CFR) and the B1-PD probability of default rating. Today's change of ROLF's outlook to developing reflects the uncertainty regarding the potential direct and indirect impact of the investigation.
As the U.K. struggles to leave the European Union, it faces two very different views of the economic future. Negotiating the claims and counterclaims isn’t easy.